Google9ja | Entertainment | Nigerian Latest News online

Latest Nigerian News


Isaac and Bless Boahen saved for months to fund her economics doctorate, but when the time came to cash in the investment, they were left empty handed.

The couple are among at least 70,000 investors who have become collateral damage from a cleanup of Ghana’s banking industry. The crackdown, which reduced the number of lenders by a third and saw the closure of 23 savings and loans companies, also triggered a run on fund managers, who couldn’t sell their holdings fast enough to meet demand.

That’s tying up as much as 9 billion cedis ($1.6 billion) of investments, more than a third of the 25 billion cedis in assets that private fund managers oversee for retail and institutional investors.

“My wife was very disturbed,” the 36-year-old said by phone from Kumasi in Ghana’s Ashanti Region. They’re not getting answers and are now worried they’ll never get back the 12,000 cedis they expected back from their investment. “If I knew this would happen, I wouldn’t have gone there.”

They’re in for a long wait. The nation’s markets regulator is looking into whether 21 fund managers violated rules by placing their clients’ money into illiquid assets. The Securities and Exchange Commission has stepped up the pressure, blocking these money managers from accepting new investments for fear they may pay out existing investors.


“The harm has already been done,” Lord Mensah, a senior finance lecturer at the University of Ghana, said by phone. “Assets need to be protected.”

Read more on Ghana blocking money managers from taking new investments

As much as 5 billion cedis is tied up in unlisted bonds, direct private-equity stakes and other deals with small- and medium-sized businesses, according to the SEC. Another 4 billion cedis is stuck in fixed-term investments with banks rescued during the clean up, savings and loans companies, and microlenders.



Read more about Ghana’s banking overhaul

The SEC hasn’t yet released a list of all the fund managers it is investigating. An 11.2 billion-cedis bailout for lenders that were closed down and another package of about 925 million cedis for microcredit companies whose licenses were revoked is helping to release some of the funds locked up in those segments.

“It’s cutting across all the finance houses and when it happens like that the government needs to step in to build confidence again,” Mensah said. “There’s nothing we can do apart from making sure that we create that necessary environment to regain investors’ confidence again.”

That’s of little comfort to the Boahen’s, who were going to use the money to cover the costs of field-data collection for Bless’s thesis with the University of Ghana. After being promised a return of 26% a year on the investment, Isaac, an accountant, had to borrow money against his provident fund.

While he got the loan at a reduced rate of 10% a year, Boahen didn’t want to go the route of raising debt, he said. “It’s costing me more now.”

Crowds fill Khartoum’s streets to hail ‘new Sudan’


As the crowd erupted into a thunderous roar to mark the signing of a declaration on Sudan’s transitional constitution, 19-year-old Ali broke into tears for his dead brother.

“My brother was shot dead on June 3,” he said, referring to the brutal crackdown on a protest sit-in that eventually precipitated renewed negotiations to avert a fully-fledged civil conflict.

Doctors close to the protest movement say at least 127 people were killed and 11 went missing that day — the darkest of an unwavering eight-month protest movement that deposed longtime ruler Omar al-Bashir and forced the generals into a compromise.


 
“I wish he could see this, we won. The revolution didn’t die. My brother is a hero,” Ali sobbed, as two friends wrapped in large Sudanese flags came to comfort him.

All day, gaggles of Sudanese men and women, young and old, converged on the Friendship Hall, where the documents that will shape the country’s 39-month transition were signed.

As they walked down the long, sun-drenched streets of a city centre blocked off to traffic, they flashed V-signs and chanted the same two words: “Madaniya, Madaniya”.

It loosely translates as “civilian rule”, the prize the revellers hope Sudan’s transition will deliver after 30 years under now-detained former president Omar al-Bashir.

The constitutional declaration signed on Saturday was agreed on August 4 and was a compromise between the protest umbrella and a ruling military council.

Residents of Khartoum — and people from other parts of the country who came in buses and trains — brought their children and grandparents for the occasion.

One young girl wearing jeans and draped in a Sudanese flag rode a bicycle to the conference hall, an inconceivable sight in the conservative country even a few months ago.

“This is the biggest celebration I have ever seen in my country. We have a new Sudan,” said Saba Mohammed, a veiled 37-year-old woman, waving a small plastic flag.

– ‘Starting to breathe’ –
The transition is meant to guarantee more rights and freedom and is due to culminate in elections in late 2022.

While the atmosphere was overwhelmingly celebratory in Khartoum, many residents remained cautious.

People told AFP they expect a quick and significant improvement in their economic circumstances.

At Khartoum’s central market early Saturday, shoppers and stallholders all said they hoped a civilian government would help them put food on the table.

“Everybody is happy now,” said Ali Yusef, a 19-year-old university student who works in the market to get by.

“We were under the control of the military for 30 years but today we are leaving this behind us and moving towards civilian rule,” he said, sitting next to tomatoes piled directly on the ground.

“All these vegetables around are very expensive but now I’m sure they will become cheaper.”

While it remains to be seen how the transition will change people’s daily lives, residents old and young were eager to exercise their newfound freedom of expression.

“I’m 72 and for 30 years under Bashir, I had nothing to feel good about,” said Ali Issa Abdel Momen, sitting in front of his modest selection of vegetables at the market.

“Now, thanks to God, I am starting to breathe.”

(AFP)



You are forgiven if you think an English high court just awarded a $9 billion fine against Nigeria in a case of breach of contract with Process and Industrial Developments Limited (P&ID), a little-known Irish engineering and project management company. 


The Federal Government said on Friday that it was taking steps to stop the enforcement of a judgment of the United Kingdom, Business & Property Courts (the Commercial Court) which awarded a cumulative sum of $9bn award against Nigeria and in favour of a foreign firm, Process & Industrial Developments Limited.



The Solicitor-General of the Federation, Mr Dayo Apata, said this in a statement in which he  confirmed that the United Kingdom court presided over by Justice Butcher on Friday “granted P&ID’s enforcement application which converts the arbitration award secured by P&ID into a domestic UK judgment against Nigeria.”


Actually, the award was made as far back as July 2015 by an arbitration panel sitting in London. What happened in London on Friday was a failed legal move by Nigeria to stop the enforcement of that judgment. If it is implemented, Nigeria’s bank accounts in the UK, where parts of our foreign reserves are warehoused, would be at risk and that would be a catastrophe for our international trade, to put it in a less scary language.



Although Nigeria is fighting tooth and nail to stop the enforcement of what is easily one of the largest arbitration awards in human history, anyone familiar with the entire fiasco knows that we are fighting a tough battle. We are primarily basing our objection on the fact that Nigeria is a sovereign state and “has an absolute right to obtain an authoritative determination of its sovereign immunity”. Put another way, we are arguing that we have immunity as a sovereign nation — and therefore the judgment cannot be enforced against us. We are also arguing that P&ID did not fulfil its own part of the contract and cannot, therefore, be making any claims on us.

Let us briefly go over the genesis of the transaction, which could end up in an apocalypse. P&ID was founded by Irishmen Michael Quinn and the late Brendan Cahill, two men who had had over 30 years’ experience in engineering projects in Nigeria. In January 2010, the federal government entered into a 20-year gas and supply processing agreement (GSPA) with P&ID to build a gas processing facility. P&ID was to refine associated natural gas into non-associated gas to power the national electric grid. Dr Rilwanu Lukman, who died in 2014, was the minister of petroleum at the time (President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua was on a medical trip to Saudi Arabia).

Under the agreement, Nigeria was to receive 85 per cent of the refined non-associated gas, free of charge, for power generation and industrialisation. P&ID would receive the remaining 15 per cent and the by-products – namely methane, propane and butane – which it would export. Nigeria would also benefit from the export proceeds through its 10 per cent stake in P&ID. As in all agreements, there are obligations on both parties: the Nigerian government was to supply 150 million standard cubic feet (scf) of gas per day to the plant. This was to rise to 400 million scf in the life of the project. The gas was otherwise being flared by the oil-producing companies.

But there was an initial obligation on the country — the GSPA required the government to build a gas supply pipeline to the P&ID facility to be located in Adiabo, Odukpani LGA, Cross River state. The gas was to be sourced by the government from OMLs 67 and 123 operated by Addax Petroleum. And this was where everything began to go wrong. Nigeria did not build the pipeline. P&ID said it had spent about $40 million on the project and the failure of Nigeria to build the gas pipeline had breached the agreement. The crisis went unresolved and in August 2012, the company activated the arbitration clause, filing a case of breach of contract against Nigeria in London.

P&ID sought a compensatory award for loss of “potential” income. Nigeria argued that P&ID was supposed to have acquired the land in Cross River and built the processing facility before the government could build a gas pipeline to site. The company, however, argued that Article 6(b) of the GSPA did not state any such precondition. Apparently, the federal government had not shown any seriousness in building the pipeline and P&ID too had started foot-dragging. With the way the arbitration was going against Nigeria, the federal government started making moves to settle the dispute out of court. Offers were made to P&ID to that effect.

P&ID agreed to accept $850 million in compensation, negotiated down from an initial proposal of $1.5 billion by a government committee. The payment was to be made in four tranches — $100 million at first and then in three instalments of $250 million each. These were in the last days of President Jonathan, who had lost his re-election bid. He still wanted the figure reviewed downwards, but decided to leave matters for in-coming President Muhammadu Buhari. However, the Buhari administration, without a cabinet in place, did not follow up. P&ID then got the award in July 2015 — $6.6 billion for “loss of income” over the lifespan of the GSPA and $2.3 billion in interests.



In fairness to Buhari, when he came in, Nigeria’s economy was already on its knees. Oil prices were down, there was forex crunch and states were owing salaries. The last thing on his mind was an $850 million payment for a project that never was. It seemed somebody whispered to Buhari to ignore the settlement agreement because of the “PDP factor”. That was a very wrong approach, I would say. If Buhari did not like the figure, he could have further negotiated it down. Nigeria is a sovereign entity and agreements are binding on all administrations. The P&ID guys complained that they waited in vain for Nigeria’s phone call, so they continued with the arbitration and got the huge award.





What is the way forward? Nigeria is doing everything possible to make sure the judgment is not enforced. P&ID had instituted “recognition and enforcement” proceedings in the UK and the US. It won in both jurisdictions and this would allow them to seize (“attach”) Nigeria’s assets in both countries. However, Nigeria filed objections in the UK and the US on the basis of the country’s sovereignty. P&ID asked the US court to dismiss Nigeria’s objection as “frivolous” but the court has refused to do so, which gives us a ray of hope. Sadly, the English court on Friday dismissed Nigeria’s objection, which means the award can be enforced in the UK. We will surely appeal.

Now, here are my thoughts. If we had been a serious set of people, this gas project was going to benefit us tremendously and we should have followed through. For one, it would have helped in addressing gas flaring. The associated gas was to be refined for power generation. That would have improved power supply. Also, we would have earned forex from the export of the by-products. Meanwhile, when things were going wrong, we should have mounted a strong defence. When judgment was given against us in July 2015, we went to sleep. We could have challenged the tribunal immediately. We waited till 2018 before starting any serious challenge. What a shame.

P&ID argued that we did not build the gas infrastructure but the government has also said we cannot build a pipeline to a facility that does not exist. We are now asking: what did P&ID do to deserve the award? How can you award judgment for the full value of what they could have gained when they too did not build anything? This is a strong argument, but what did we canvass during arbitration? Why are we raising these issues now? We submitted to arbitration and are bound by the outcome. It is clear to me that we did not defend ourselves properly and diligently. We changed our lawyers midway and kept expanding the legal team — for the purpose of “job creation”.

Ab initio, the terms of the contract did not protect us in case P&ID failed to deliver. All international-standard contracts provide for contingent liabilities on both parties. We left ourselves so vulnerable in this one. I wish Lukman were alive to explain what he was thinking when he approved such a contract, which I understand was not vetted by the attorney-general of the federation at the time, Chief Michael Aondoakaa. The terms of the contract are a sad commentary on the way we sign agreements in Nigeria. No wonder some analysts question the fairness of the GSPA in the first place. But we cannot run away from it. We must find a bloodless way out of the quandary.



I still do not believe the P&ID issue is hopeless for Nigeria. To start with, $9 billion is so huge it is unrealistic to expect Nigeria to pay. But our “sovereignty” argument also looks pale to me. I do not pretend to be a lawyer, but when a state goes into a commercial transaction, it waves its sovereign immunity. This is not politics; this is business. We can fight this case for years, keep paying lawyers millions of dollars and still lose. I would, therefore, advise the government to call these P&ID guys for a meeting and quietly resolve this irritating matter over coffee and sandwiches. A soft answer turns away wrath. Enough of legal fireworks. Let’s go for reconciliation.

Above all, though, we must stop signing agreements that can hurt us gravely if we default — as we are indeed likely to default. Nigeria is notorious globally for not respecting the sanctity of contracts, much less the rule of law. Investors always complain about our historical culture of impunity. Unfortunately, we can behave anyhow within our territory but there is civilisation outside there and we cannot escape it. Evidently, too, there is lack of patriotism in the some of the agreements government officials sign. There is no personal liability when things go wrong. Heads don’t roll. People don’t go to jail. The attitude is like: whose money is it, anyway? Sad.

THE FULL LIST OF ALL THE 371 TRIBES IN NIGERIA & THE STATES WHERE THEY ORIGINATED FROM

Below is a comprehensive list of all Nigerian Tribes and the States where they live…
1 Abayon Cross River
2 Abua (Odual) Rivers
3 Achipa (Achipawa) Kebbi
4 Adim Cross River
5 Adun Cross River
6 Affade Yobe
7 Afizere Plateau
8 Afo Plateau
9 Agbo Cross River
10 Akaju-Ndem (Akajuk) Cross River
11 Akweya-Yachi Benue
12 Alago (Arago) nasarawa
13 Amo Plateau
14 Anaguta Plateau
15 Anang Akwa lbom
16 Andoni Akwa lbom, Rivers
17 Angas Bauchi, Jigawa, Plateau
18 Ankwei Plateau
19 Anyima Cross River
20 Attakar (ataka) Kaduna
21 Auyoka (Auyokawa) Jigawa
22 Awori Lagos, Ogun
23 Ayu Kaduna
24 Babur Adamawa, Bomo, Taraba, Yobe
25 Bachama Adamawa
26 Bachere Cross River
27 Bada Plateau
28 Bade Yobe
29 Bahumono Cross River
30 Bakulung Taraba
31 Bali Taraba
32 Bambora (Bambarawa) Bauchi
33 Bambuko Taraba
34 Banda (Bandawa) Taraba
35 Banka (Bankalawa) Bauchi
36 Banso (Panso) Adamawa
37 Bara (Barawa) Bauchi
38 Barke Bauchi
39 Baruba (Barba) Niger
40 Bashiri (Bashirawa) Plateau
41 Bassa Kaduna, Kogi, Niger, Plateau
42 Batta Adamawa
43 Baushi Niger
44 Baya Adamawa
45 Bekwarra Cross River
46 Bele (Buli, Belewa) Bauchi
47 Betso (Bete) Taraba
48 Bette Cross River
49 Bilei Adamawa
50 Bille Adamawa
51 Bina (Binawa) Kaduna
52 Bini Edo
53 Birom Plateau
54 Bobua Taraba
55 Boki (Nki) Cross River
56 Bkkos Plateau
57 Boko (Bussawa, Bargawa) Niger
58 Bole (Bolewa) Bauchi, Yobe
59 Botlere Adamawa
60 Boma (Bomawa, Burmano) Bauchi
61 Bomboro Bauchi
62 Buduma Borno, Niger
63 Buji Plateau
64 Buli Bauchi
65 Bunu Kogi
66 Bura Adamawa
67 Burak Bauchi
68 Burma (Burmawa) Plateau
69 Buru Yobe
70 Buta (Butawa) Bauchi
71 Bwall Plateau
72 Bwatiye Adamawa
73 Bwazza Adamawa
74 Challa Plateau
75 Chama (Chamawa Fitilai) Bauchi
76 Chamba Taraba
77 Chamo Bauchi
78 Chibok (Chibbak) Yobe
79 Chinine Borno
80 Chip Plateau
81 Chokobo Plateau
82 Chukkol Taraba
83 Daba Adamawa
84 Dadiya Bauchi
85 Daka Adamawa
86 Dakarkari Niger, Kebbi
87 Danda (Dandawa) Kebbi
88 Dangsa Taraba
89 Daza (Dere, Derewa) Bauchi
90 Degema Rivers
91 Deno (Denawa) Bauchi
92 Dghwede Bomo
93 Diba Taraba
94 Doemak (Dumuk) Plateau
95 Ouguri Bauchi
96 Duka (Dukawa) Kebbi
97 Duma (Dumawa) Bauchi
98 Ebana (Ebani) Rivers
99 Ebirra (lgbirra) Edo, Kogi,FCT,NasarawaBorno,Ondo
100 Ebu Edo, Kogi
101 Efik Cross River
102 Egbema Rivers
103 Egede (lgedde) Benue
104 Eggon Plateau
105 Egun (Gu) Lagos,Ogun
106 Ejagham Cross River
107 Ekajuk Cross River
108 Eket Akwa Ibom
109 Ekoi Cross River
110 Engenni (Ngene) Rivers
111 Epie Rivers
112 Esan (Ishan) Edo
113 Etche Rivers
114 Etolu (Etilo) Benue
115 Etsako Edo
116 Etung Cross River
117 Etuno Edo
118 Falli Adamawa
119 Fulani (Pulbe)
Bauchi, Borno, Jigawa , Kaduna, Kano, Katsina, Kebbi , Niger, Sokoto, Taraba, Yobe, etc.
120 Fyam (Fyem) Plateau
121 Fyer(Fer) Plateau
122 Ga’anda Adamawa
123 Gade Niger
124 Galambi Bauchi
125 Gamergu-Mulgwa Bomo
126 Qanawuri Plateau
127 Gavako Borno
128 Gbedde Kogi
129 Gengle Taraba
130 Geji Bauchi
131 Gera (Gere, Gerawa) Bauchi
132 Geruma (Gerumawa) Plateau
133 Geruma (Gerumawa) Bauchi
134 Gingwak Bauchi
135 Gira Adamawa
136 Gizigz Adamawa
137 Goernai Plateau
138 Gokana (Kana) Rivers
139 Gombi Adamawa
140 Gornun (Gmun) Taraba
141 Gonia Taraba
142 Gubi (Gubawa) Bauchi
143 Gude Adamawa
144 Gudu Adamawa
145 Gure Kaduna
146 Gurmana Niger
147 Gururntum Bauchi
148 Gusu Plateau
149 Gwa (Gurawa) Adamawa
150 Gwamba Adamawa
151 Gwandara Kaduna, Niger, Plateau
152 Gwari (Gbari) Kaduna, Niger, Plateau
153 Gwom Taraba
154 Gwoza (Waha) Bomo
155 Gyem Bauchi
156 Hausa: Bauchi, Borno, Jigawa, Kaduna,Kano, Kastina, Kebbi, Niger,Taraba, Sokoto, etc
157 Higi (Hig) Borno, Adamawa
158 Holma Adamawa
159 Hona Adamawa
160 Ibeno Akwa lbom
161 Ibibio Akwa lbom
162 Ichen Adamawa
163 Idoma Benue, Taraba
164 Igalla Kogi
Igbo-culture
165 lgbo: Abia, Anambra, Benue, Delta, Ebonyi,Enugu, Imo, Rivers
166 ljumu Kogi
167 Ikorn Cross River
168 Irigwe Plateau
169 Isoko Delta
170 lsekiri (Itsekiri) Delta
171 lyala (lyalla) Cross River
172 lzondjo) Bayelsa, Delta, Ondo, Rivers
173 Jaba Kaduna
174 Jahuna (Jahunawa) Taraba
175 Jaku Bauchi
176 Jara (Jaar Jarawa Jarawa-Dutse)
Bauchi
177 Jere (Jare, Jera, Jera, Jerawa) Bauchi, Plateau
178 Jero Taraba
179 Jibu Adamawa
180 Jidda-Abu Plateau
181 Jimbin (Jimbinawa) Bauchi
182 Jirai Adamawa
183 Jonjo (Jenjo) Taraba
184 Jukun
Bauchi, Benue,Taraba, Plateau
185 Kaba(Kabawa) Taraba
186 Kadara Taraba
187 Kafanchan Kaduna
188 Kagoro Kaduna
189 Kaje (Kache) Kaduna
190 Kajuru (Kajurawa) Kaduna
191 Kaka Adamawa
192 Kamaku (Karnukawa) Kaduna, Kebbi, Niger
193 Kambari Kebbi, Niger
194 Kambu Adamawa
195 Kamo Bauchi
196 Kanakuru (Dera) Adamawa, Borno
197 Kanembu Bomo
198 Kanikon Kaduna
199 Kantana Plateau
200 Kanufi
Kaduna, Adamawa, Bomo, Kano,Niger, Jigawa, Plateau, Taraba, Yobe
201 Karekare (Karaikarai) Bauchi, Yobe
202 Karimjo Taraba
203 Kariya Bauchi
204 Katab (Kataf) Kaduna
205 Kenern (Koenoem) Plateau
206 Kenton Taraba
207 Kiballo (Kiwollo) Kaduna
208 Kilba Adamawa
209 Kirfi (Kirfawa) Bauchi
210 Koma Taraba
211 Kona Taraba
212 Koro (Kwaro) Kaduna, Niger
213 Kubi (Kubawa) Bauchi
214 Kudachano (Kudawa) Bauchi
215 Kugama Taraba
216 Kulere (Kaler) Plateau
217 Kunini Taraba
218 Kurama Jigawa, Kaduna, Niger, Plateau

219 Kurdul Adamawa
220 Kushi Bauchi
221 Kuteb Taraba
222 Kutin Taraba
223 Kwalla Plateau
224 Kwami (Kwom) Bauchi
225 Kwanchi Taraba
226 Kwanka (Kwankwa) Bauchi, Plateau
227 Kwaro Plateau
228 Kwato Plateau
229 Kyenga (Kengawa) Sokoto
230 Laaru (Larawa) Niger
231 Lakka Adamawa
232 Lala Adamawa
233 Lama Taraba
234 Lamja Taraba
235 Lau Taraba
236 Ubbo Adamawa
237 Limono Bauchi, Plateau
238 Lopa (Lupa, Lopawa) Niger
239 Longuda (Lunguda) Adamawa, Bauchi
240 Mabo Plateau
241 Mada Kaduna, Plateau
242 Mama Plateau
243 Mambilla Adamawa
244 Manchok Kaduna
245 Mandara (Wandala) Bomo
246 Manga (Mangawa) Yobe
247 Margi (Marghi) Adamawa, Bomo
248 Matakarn Adamawa
249 Mbembe Cross River, Enugu
250 Mbol Adamawa
251 Mbube Cross River
252 Mbula Adamawa
253 Mbum Taraba
254 Memyang (Meryan) Plateau
255 Miango Plateau
256 Miligili (Migili) Plateau
257 Miya (Miyawa) Bauchi
258 Mobber Bomo
259 Montol Plateau
260 Moruwa (Moro’a, Morwa) Kaduna
261 Muchaila Adamawa
262 Mumuye Taraba
263 Mundang Adamawa
264 Munga (Mupang) Plateau
265 Mushere Plateau
266 Mwahavul (Mwaghavul) Plateau
267 Ndoro Taraba
268 Ngamo Bauchi, Yobe
269 Ngizim Yobe
270
Ngweshe (Ndhang.Ngoshe-Ndhang)
Adamawa, Borno
271 Ningi (Ningawa) Bauchi
272 Ninzam (Ninzo) Kaduna, Plateau
273 Njayi Adamawa
274 Nkim Cross River
275 Nkum Cross River
276 Nokere (Nakere) Plateau
277 Nunku Kaduna, Plateau
278 Nupe Niger
279 Nyandang Taraba
280 Ododop Cross River
281 Ogori Kwara
282 Okobo (Okkobor) Akwa lbom
283 Okpamheri Edo
284 Olulumo Cross River
285 Oron Akwa lbom
286 Owan Edo
287 Owe Kwara
288 Oworo Kwara
289 Pa’a (Pa’awa Afawa) Bauchi
290 Pai Plateau
291 Panyam Taraba
292 Pero Bauchi
293 Pire Adamawa
294 Pkanzom Taraba
295 Poll TarabaPolchi Habe Bauchi
297 Pongo (Pongu) Niger
298 Potopo Taraba
299 Pyapun (Piapung) Plateau

300 Qua Cross River
301 Rebina (Rebinawa) Bauchi
302 Reshe Kebbi, Niger
303 Rindire (Rendre) Plateau
304 Rishuwa Kaduna
305 Ron Piateau
306 Rubu Niger
307 Rukuba Plateau
308 Rumada Kaduna
309 Rumaya Kaduna
310 Sakbe Taraba
311 Sanga Bauchi
312 Sate Taraba
313 Saya (Sayawa Za’ar) Bauchi
314 Segidi (Sigidawa) Bauchi
315 Shanga (Shangawa) Sokoto
316 Shangawa (Shangau) Plateau
317 Shan-Shan Plateau
318 Shira (Shirawa) Kano
319 Shomo Taraba
320 Shuwa Adamawa, Borno
321 Sikdi Plateau
322 Siri (Sirawa) Bauchi
323 Srubu (Surubu) Kaduna
324 Sukur Adamawa
325 Sura Plateau
326 Tangale Bauchi
327 Tarok Plateau, Taraba
328 Teme Adamawa
329 Tera (Terawa) Bauchi, Bomo
330 Teshena (Teshenawa) Kano
331 Tigon Adamawa
332 Tikar Taraba
333 Tiv Benue, Plateau, Taraba and Nasarawa
334 Tula Bauchi
335 Tur Adamawa
336 Ufia Benue
337 Ukelle Cross River
338 Ukwani (Kwale) Delta
339 Uncinda Kaduna, Kebbi, Niger, Sokoto
340 Uneme (Ineme) Edo
341 Ura (Ula) Niger
342 Urhobo Delta
343 Utonkong Benue
344 Uyanga Cross River
345 Vemgo Adamawa
346 Verre Adamawa
347 Vommi Taraba
348 Wagga Adamawa
349 Waja Bauchi
350 Waka Taraba
351 Warja (Warja) Jigawa
352 Warji Bauchi
353 Wula Adamawa
354 Wurbo Adamawa
355 Wurkun Taraba
356 Yache Cross River
357 Yagba Kwara
358 Yakurr (Yako) Cross River
359 Yalla Benue
360 Yandang Taraba
361 Yergan (Yergum) Plateau
362 Yoruba
Kwara, Lagos, Ogun, Ondo, Oyo, Osun, Ekiti, Kogi
363 Yott Taraba
364 Yumu Niger
365 Yungur Adamawa
366 Yuom Plateau
367 Zabara Niger
368 Zaranda Bauchi
369 Zarma (Zarmawa) Kebbi
370 Zayam (Zeam) Bauchi
371 Zul (Zulawa) Bauchi

If you did not see your Tribe Name in this list, you can add in the comment section and would be updated.




This is the story of Bethany Gasky, a former daycare owner who became a millionaire by eating large quantities of food in front of a camera and uploading them on her YouTube channel. It’s called Mukbang videos. Mukbang is when someone records themselves eating large amounts of food, it originated from Japan. She has made over $1 million (#360m) on her YouTube channel. BBC, CNN all published stories about her.

The real question is, who would even want to waste data watching someone who’s eating on YouTube? Looking at her millions of subscribers you’ll know there are actually people who love watching others eat. The worst thing is that she hardly talks on her videos, just eat. Bethany doesn’t just eat online, she consumes very large quantities of food and fans want to actually see if it’s really possible for someone to finish it. She started her YouTube channel in 2017, today she has almost 2 million subscribers.




Bethany is ready to finish 30 eggs, 30 chicken wings, cheeseburgers, onions and butter sauce all in one sitting! Funny thing is, her husband is always at the background cheering her on as she exploits herself on the internet. She also does collaborations with other people who love eating herself and upload them on YouTube. Her husband is actually her coach who trains her on how to consume a big quantity of food.




The New York Times says the amount of food she consumes every day is bad for her health yet it doesn’t bother her. She uploads 2 videos every day of her eating that means she eats huge quantities of food every single day. She has actually undergone several surgeries to keep her in shape including tummy tuck, butt implants, breast surgery, new teeth and excess fat removed. So far she has spent over $30,000 on surgeries alone. Her son has also joined her and started his own YouTube channel where he eats a huge amount of food. She is no doubt a legend as far as consuming large quantities of food is concerned.

Bethany Gaskin is 44 years old, happily married with two sons.

Google9ja

Contact Form

Name

Email *

Message *

Javascript DisablePlease Enable Javascript To See All Widget